Epi-Classic Cultural Dynamics in the Mezquital Valley

Common Characteristics of the Offerings

Among the traits they share, perhaps the most important one is the varied geographical provenience of the objects involved, which when joined together constitutes an indivisible universe. Probably it is not by accident, but rather the result of an underlying intentionality and symbolism, that places so distant from one another and with a differential access to resources and exchange networks, obtained and joined together the same type of "luxury" objects in similar offerings. The fact that jade plaques are accompanied by shell objects is customary, and in a same context, elements coming from both coasts may be found; most of the times they are beads, but there are several more sophisticated ornaments and complete or carved pieces. Also joined together are greenstone ornaments, more frequently earflares and beads, and in several cases there are also prismatic obsidian blades. Finding thin plates that once were a part of a mosaic is common (of turquoise, in Sabina Grande and Chichén Itzá), while the tecali vessels are present in contexts from Xochicalco, Sabina Grande and San Jerónimo (see note 13), as well as in the Sacred Cenote. An extra coincidental trait is, like we mentioned above, their time frame.

Concerning the greenstone figures, most of them show a headdress with ophidian traits. George Kubler, an expert in Teotihuacán iconography, suggests that "[…] the painters and sculptors were interested in clear and simple logographic forms. They were less interested in recording appearances than in combining and composing significant associations […]" (a reflection shared by Pasztory, 1992:288); for this reason he attempted the application of a linguistic model that would allow him to examine each form according to some hypothetical verbal function. In his analysis, he discovered that most signs and images are used like nominal expressions for describing substances and concepts. It becomes immediately evident that the most numerous are those used as adjectives to denote qualities and hierarchy. Less common are the verbal predicates for works and actions (Kubler, 1972a:74). Among the expressions recorded in this way, Kubler finds that many forms occupy several "grammatical" positions at the same time. "The normal use appears where substantive properties are combined (like jaguar muzzles, serpent tongues and bird eyes) in a religious image. Yet, when this form is present in a headdress, the role it plays is to convey the bearer the character of a devout or celebrant, and may then be classified as an adjectival form" (ibid.:76). This example would correspond to that which we have observed in the jade figures, whose purpose would not be portraying an individual but rather expressing some quality, which, when extended to the user, would again be pointing to a religious representative (see note 28). Regarding a couple of such plaques (one of them from Jaina), Herbert Spinden states: "In spite of the fact that evidently the jades were frequently buried with the deceased or used as votive offerings in the temples, considering them as portraits would be inappropriate" (1975 [1913]:144, figs. 195 and 196). Ringle, Gallareta and Bey also think that the intention was not to portrait historic characters, given the limited variety of costumes and poses represented in the pieces, apart from their presence in architectural façades and offerings in different places (1998:207).

An additional feature that is present with an amazing regularity in the jade plaques is the position of the hands. Only seldomly they are holding an object, and the majority are seen lifted on the chest with the palms facing each other, or with the back of the hands held together. It is possible that this posture is originated in the sculptural representations where images holding objects do appear, as may be seen in the monoliths described by Acosta and Noguera for Tula and Xochicalco (see page 26, this volume);³⁹  in Stelae 1, 2 and 3 from Nopala, in the Oaxacan coast (Zeitlin, 1993:134, figs. 12a, b and c);⁴⁰  and also in countless Maya stelae, as Stelae E, H, P, N, 3, 5, 6 and 7 from Copán (Spinden, 1975 [1913[:50, fig. 46 and photos 18 and 19; Fash and Fash, 2000:fig. 14.1), Stela 6 from Naranjo (Spinden, ibid.:178, fig. 226) and the Stela 1 from Tikal (Spinden, ibid.:photo 21).⁴¹  As glyphs, hands in a very similar position appear accompanying scenes, which may be seen in Stela 9 from Monte Albán and in Stela 1 from Xochicalco (Litvak, 1972:61), where Joyce Marcus has interpreted them as a glyph symbolizing political alliances (Marcus, 1992:409, 411).

In itself, the generalized presence of greenstone figurines in places so remotely located from one another, and in Coggins words, "[…] suggests a relation derived from an eclectic offering activity which was widely spread during the Terminal Classic" (Coggins, 1984:70),⁴²  but actually this relationship is much more complex when considering that such trait is not an isolated one. As we have pointed out, the meaning of the images on greenstone is also expressed in the qualitative association of the different objects that accompany them.

Map 1
Distribution of the Jade Plaques

1. Barrio de la Cruz, Querétaro.
2. Sabina Grande, Hidalgo.
3. Tula, Hidalgo.
4. Tecamac, State of México.
5. Teotihuacán, State of México.
6. Cacaxtla and Xochitécatl, Tlaxcala.
7. Xochicalco, Morelos.
8. San Jerónimo, Guerrero.
9. Cerro de las Mesas, Veracruz.
10. Central Valleys, Oaxaca.
11. Palenque, Chiapas.
12. Nébaj, Guatemala.
13. El Caracol, Belize.
14. Jaina, Campeche.
15. Chichén Itzá, Yucatán.
16. Apatzingán, Michoacán.

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Endnotes

39. At El Cerrito, Querétaro, it was recovered a sculptural fragment of an individual who appears "[…] in a front position with his hands resting on his thorax; as adornments, he exhibits a pectoral and circular earflares" (Crespo, 1991b:203, fig. 24). As outlined by the author (idem), this representation greatly resembles the greenstone figures.

40. These pieces are very interesting because, contrary to the examples illustrated by Acosta which only show one circular object, in Stelae 1 and 2 from Nopala, the individual is holding a knife with one hand, and a triple spiral with the other, perhaps symbolizing a heart (Urcid, 1993:148). According to the images that illustrate Judith Zeitlin’s and Javier Urcid’s texts, this posture is not the most common in the region, where the arms of the characters are shown, instead, crossed on the chest. The author interprets these pieces as representations of deceased individuals associated with the ball game sacrificial ritual (Zeitlin, 1993:134); Javier Urcid thinks they may be ancestors (1993:148). The sculptures showing crossed arms also present some resemblance with the jade plaques, as may be seen in those exhibited at the Museum of San Miguel Ixtapan, State of México, dated for the Epi-Classic.

41. We have mentioned a number of cases where the sculpted characters are holding a circular object. Among the Maya, it is more frequent to find a ceremonial bar, held in the bent arms and at the chest level. The extreme of these bars often show serpent head endings (Spinden, 1975 [1913]: 24, 48-50).

42. He also describes the tecali vessels as "one facet of the contemporary offering activities proposed for the Terminal Classic" (Coggins, 1984:54).

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