Totógal: Investigations of Postclassic Occupation and the Aztec Frontier in the Tuxtla Mountains, Veracruz, México

Summary and Conclusions

Archaeological data suggest that the principle occupation of Totógal dates to the Late Postclassic period. The Late Postclassic settlement was preceded by small Formative, and moderate Classic, and Early Postclassic components. The size of the Classic occupation is uncertain due to considerable ceramic paste continuity, however, if the amounts of black/dark gray obsidian coupled with non-ground platforms are compared to amounts of green obsidian and ground platforms, the population was only slightly smaller than the Late Postclassic period one. The distribution of settlement for both occupations is similar in that most areas of the site contain Classic and Late Postclassic artifacts, but more construction appears to have occurred later and decorative elements on ceramics are mostly Late Postclassic. The obsidian data suggests an Early and/or Middle Postclassic occupation, and while it appears to have been roughly comparable in size to the Classic period population, it was smaller than earlier but especially later phases.

Ceramic pastes and decorative traditions show that the inhabitants of Totógal had ties to the Tuxtlas, the central Gulf Lowlands, and the expanding Aztec empire. Gulf Lowland and Tuxtlas ceramic pastes and decorations dominate the Totógal assemblage and flat, mold-made figurines may reflect a general Postclassic figurine technology change (Miller personal communication, 2005). Imperial-style ceramics represent fewer than 15% of decorated materials. Nevertheless, the foreign styles, including Texcoco-Molded censers, speak volumes. Texcoco-Molded pottery is a rare type in the Gulf Lowlands as well as in the Basin of Mexico except at Otumba. The fact that Totógal used and produced this ceremonial form is significant in that it represents efforts to reproduce Aztec ritual practices or symbolism at the site.

In summary, several lines of evidence suggest that Totógal participated in both Late Postclassic Gulf Lowland and Aztec imperial economical and political networks, as well as technological and stylistic traditions, these include: (1) imperial-style ceramics; (2) Gulf Lowland-style ceramic decoration; (3) Tuxtlas ceramic paste traditions; (4) green obsidian; and, (5) obsidian platform grinding.

Ethnohistoric evidence places Toztlan at the frontier of the expanding Aztec Empire (Berdan and Anawalt 1992; Carrasco 1999; Esquivias 2002; Gerhard 1993; Paso and Troncoso 1905; Urcid and Esquivias 2000). In anthropological studies of boundaries (e.g. Berdan 2003; Parker 2002), frontiers are increasingly conceived of as multidimensional zones of interaction in which various groups have different interests. The concerns of frontier actors may be economical, political, or cultural and may overlap. Therefore, at any one point within a frontier, a kaleidoscope of perspectives may be represented.

Ethnohistory notes the presence of sub-populations at Toztlan, foreign and local, and suggests there were varied interests as well. The Relación de Tuztla (Paso and Troncoso 1905) reports that "the people of Toztlan had their own lord"; later "they gave themselves in friendship to Moteuczoma", who installed a calpixque as governor (see also Carrasco 1999:342). These different groups co-residing at Totógal may be the reason for both foreign and regional styles. However, there is no apparent spatial separation in their distribution suggesting at some degree of intra-community acceptance of the others’ traditions and materials.

Paso and Troncoso (1905) also notes that Toztlan frequently fought battles with various groups from neighboring independent Coatzacoalcos, and that Toztlan was one of the towns that signaled the entrance to the Isthmus of Tehuantepec and its trade corridors (Carrasco 1999:342). Frequent warfare between Toztlan and Coatzacoalcos may have worn on the former. For this reason, Toztlan may have agreed to "give themselves in friendship": this could have meant that they would pay tribute to the Aztecs by way of the Tochtepec province (Codex Mendoza, Berdan and Anawalt 1992) in return for protection and perhaps a steady supply of green Pachuca obsidian. Whether it was to monitor the payment of tribute or the geo-political situation with Coatzacoalcos, an imperial presence was installed and some degree of direct imperial administration may have been tolerated. This notion, while tentative, is supported by the ubiquitous distribution of imperial ceremonial symbols, such as Texcoco-Molded censers, regional ceramic traditions such as Tres Picos II designs, and green obsidian at Totógal. In the absence of a physical imperial presence at Totógal, the adoption of imperial-style ceremonial devices suggests that, nonetheless, the community attempted to associate themselves with the Aztec Triple Alliance by way of shared styles on ceremonial paraphernalia.

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