Archaeology of the Guatemala Pacific Coast

The Archaeology of Late Postclassic Settlements on the Guatemala Pacific Coast
Frederick J. Bove

In Incidents of Archaeology in Central America and Yucatán: Essays in Honor of Edwin M. Shook, edited by M. Love, M.P. de Hatch, & H. Escobedo. University Press of America, Landham, MD. In press.

Abstract

Dynamic transitional phases are a recurring feature of prehispanic societies and these robust periods mark critically important developmental stages in the evolution of Mesoamerican civilization. One of these, the Postclassic period in Mesoamerica, was one of massive social, political, economic, and demographic upheaval following the disintegration of Classic period polities in central México, Oaxaca, the Gulf Coast, and the Petén. An important fundamental causal factor of this dramatic change is the aftermath of Teotihuacán’s withdrawal and/or collapse as an integrative force throughout Mesoamerica, a process that brought about fundamental changes in ideology, increasing regionalization, and warfare (Diehl and Berlo, 1989). Andrews (1990) believed that the Classic-Postclassic transitional period was "a time of momentous change, of great social stress exacerbated by foreign influences, migrations, invasions, and warfare." A noted ethnohistorian remarked "the Epiclassic period was marked by the disintegration of the theocratic classic world and the appearance of new militaristic cultures. A great crisis shakes Mesoamerica from end to end, and in the midst of the chaos, a new world germinates" (Jiménez Moreno, 1966). Until recently emphasis was placed on the seeming deterioration of Postclassic Mesoamerican society but this view is no longer acceptable and a more complex picture has evolved. For example in the Lowland Maya area "Decline, decadence, and depopulation" are three terms that have long been used to describe the Maya Postclassic but these processes are refuted by recent research (Chase and Chase, 1985; Rice, 1986a; Rice, 1986b).

Three broad trends can now be recognized for the Postclassic period. These are a decentralization of political and ideological structures, development of pan-Mesoamerican economic systems, and the emergence of more uniform ideological/symbolic systems (Gasco, 1987; Hodge and Smith, 1994; Sabloff and Andrews V, 1986; Smith and Hodge, 1994). For the Postclassic Maya, Freidel (1985; 1986) links "…innovation of the tribute-government and the development of a market economy" to the "dismantling of the "great wall" of cultural distinctiveness and the attempted incorporation of the lowlands into a Mesoamerican international culture." According to Marcus (1983) "The Late Postclassic period also had aspects of genuine "internationalism", ceramic complexes became extremely widespread, with some wares crosscutting many ethnic boundaries." The causes of these cataclysmic events are obscure. Models emphasizing the political aspects have developed that focus on the fragility and cyclical nature of Mesoamerican complex societies (Flannery, 1999; Freidel, 1983; Hassig, 1992; Love, 2001; Montmollin, 1989). The great cycles of centralization and decentralization, the widespread breakdown of centralized political systems, and the subsequent reorganization of city-states are also being examined (e.g. Marcus, 1992).

One salient fact that must be considered is the Nahua migrations from central México and the Gulf Coast to the Soconusco region, the Pacific Coast of Guatemala, and lower Central America. "The migrations of Nahua-speaking groups from México to Central America are perhaps one of the best known examples of large-scale population movements in New World culture history" (Fowler, 1989b; 1989a). While the dating of these migrations is still debatable most experts would probably agree that the historical, linguistic, and archaeological evidence indicate that the Nahua migrations to Central America were a complex series of population movements that occurred from about A.D. 800 to A.D. 1350 (Davies, 1977; Fowler, 1989a; Justeson, 1985; Torquemada, 1969; Voorhies, 1989a). They had a profound impact on much of Postclassic Mesoamerica and in particular Pacific Guatemala. The unexpected discovery of large Late Postclassic centers distributed non-randomly on the central Pacific Coast in the past decade are the subject of the contribution to the Shook volume (Figure 1). The preliminary evidence suggests that these sites represent a large-scale migration of Nahua (Pipil) speaking populations most likely from the Soconusco region at about A.D. 1100-1200.

Terminal Classic-Early Postclassic Transition

The results of the earlier Texas-Montana and Cotzumalguapa projects supported an existing belief in a widespread social and demographic collapse that terminated at the beginning of the traditional Early Postclassic period (ca. A.D. 900). As Shook (1965) stated "There is no certain record to date of an Early Postclassic site in the 0-300 m elevation zone of the South Coast." These processes were believed linked with increasing factionalism in the Terminal Classic concurrent with a dramatic trend toward decentralization and severe depopulation by the Early Postclassic. The only conclusion was that by about A.D. 850-900 there were not only an elite cultural collapse but also a massive depopulation shortly thereafter as we were unable to securely identify Early Postclassic sites.

We were also left with a troublesome analytical problem. What precisely did constitute the Early Postclassic period on the Guatemala Pacific Coast since the only chronological ceramic marker available was Tohil Plumbate ware? Fortunately, the continuing research on the entire Plumbate problem by Neff helped to formulate a different view of the Classic-Postclassic period. Through Neff’s research we now recognize that Tohil and San Juan Plumbate are easy to separate into two distinct compositional groups. Tohil as a compositional group, however, does not correspond very well with Tohil as a stylistic unit made up of fancy incised or effigy vessels. The simple vessels in both compositional categories, that is in both San Juan and Tohil, occur with other good Late and Terminal Classic diagnostics on the South Coast. It is estimated that Tohil (defined as a compositional unit), arrives at the same time as San Juan, most likely around A.D. 700-800. The fancy incised and effigy Tohil Plumbate, however, are late and probably brief manifestations within the Plumbate tradition (Neff, 1989; Neff and Bishop, 1988; Neff, Bishop and Harbottle, 1989; Voorhies, 1989b) (H. Neff, personal communication, 2000). In this scenario the innovative Tohil vessels come in at the end of the Pantaleón phase and mark the dividing line between the old Early Postclassic and Late Postclassic periods. These findings combined with the new data from our Late Postclassic surveys led to the currently favored working hypothesis which is to include the old Early Postclassic period into the Late-Terminal Classic Pantaleón ceramic phase (Table 1). It is believed that the Pantaleón phase gradually fades away and is replaced by a completely new ceramic Late Postclassic Ixtacapa phase.

Ceramics and Chronology

The Ixtacapa phase (A.D. 1100/1200-1500) is equivalent to the Ixcaflores phase of the southeastern Guatemala coast (Santa Rosa and Jutiapa) and the Peor-es-Nada phase at Bilbao in the Cotzumalguapa zone (Kosakowsky, Belli and Pettit, 2000; Parsons, 1967). The brief ceramic summaries that follow cover the principal groups and/or types from the region and are excerpted from a much larger and detailed study of the ceramic chronology of Pacific Guatemala (Bove, m.s.). The summaries do not include several types that have yet to be fully analyzed and that may alter to a degree some of the tentative conclusions that appear here. These would include types that are provisionally named Postclassic or Late Postclassic Miscellaneous, Red, Polished Black Brown, Sandy Paste, Fine Paste, and Red-on-White. Almost all of these ceramics are from upper lots of Texas-Montana and Manantial domestic structures. The Red-on-White ceramics in particular may eventually be incorporated either into the Remanso Group or a new group or type as they bear similarities to other Late Postclassic Red-on-White pottery found at Bilbao (e.g. Parsons, 1967).

The Late Postclassic ceramics from the South Coast are poorly known with the only published descriptions in Parsons Bilbao reports. Parsons speculated that the Peor-es-Nada complex was probably derived from the highlands based on its ephemeral nature since the collection at Bilbao consisted of only 423 sherds, or 2.3% of the site total. My classification, aided principally by the Texas-Montana Project ceramicists Licda. Sonia Medrano and Lic. José Genovéz, was also aided by descriptions in Wauchope (1970) and Navarrete (1962). No radiocarbon dates are available from any Postclassic site on the Pacific Coast so that chronologies are based predominantly on cross-ceramic comparisons and stratigraphic excavations. A number of obsidian hydration readings tend to support the dating of the Ixtacapa complex although the fundamental equations that were previously acceptable for the obsidian hydration model are now known to be incorrect. The position of the optical boundary also varies relative to the true diffusion front and is therefore inherently imprecise and cannot be used for accurate dating. These dates are therefore not included here (Anovitz, Elam, Riciputi and Cole, 1999) (Hector Neff, personal communication, 1997).

One example of the summaries of the principal characteristics of ceramic groups/types for the Late Postclassic Ixtacapa ceramic phase that appear in the published version are reproduced below.

1-Ceramic Group:   Santa Rita Group
2-Ceramic Types:   Santa Rita Micaceous, Santa Rita Jabonoso
3-Principal Characteristics:  This is the most abundant ceramic group in the Cotzumalguapa region during the Ixtacapa phase although the group may have originated during the late aspect of the preceding Pantaleón phase because contexts of excavated units with abundant Santa Rita types often include Pantaleón phase pottery. The most distinguishing feature is the readily observable presence of mica (or steatite?) on the surface and in the paste. The major difference between the two types is that while Micaceous has some mica within the paste, the Jabonoso type is completely saturated with it and has a distinctly soapy feel. Santa Rita Micaceous accounted for 89% of the Late Postclassic Peor-es-Nada phase at Bilbao, although only 2.2% of the site total (Parsons, 1967). Navarrete has a good description of the Micácea type at Mixco Viejo that represented 28% of all ceramics from that site (Navarrete, 1962). Mica Ware is described by Wauchope (1970) who mentions a number of highland proveniences. High percentages of a Santa Rita Micaceous equivalent are found at the Late Postclassic Chitak Tzak site in the Sumpango Valley of the adjacent Guatemala highlands. These are El Poaquil Micáceo, Variedad Poaquil and account for from 40-80% of the total ceramics recovered depending on location (Robinson, 1994; 1998). Based on the principal of abundance alone it would appear to be of highland origin. Parsons believes that "Its rarity or absence during the Early Postclassic Tohil phase at Zacualpa (Wauchope, 1948) would indicate that this ware became popular only during the Late Postclassic period" (Parsons, 1967). Santa Rita types are extremely rare at lower coastal sites. Only six sherds of Santa Rita Micaceous were found at five lower coastal sites and only four sherds of Santa Rita Jabonoso from three lower sites. These numbers represent insignificant fractions of the total Santa Rita sherd count. A sample of 12 Santa Rita Micaceous sherds was analyzed via instrumental neutron activation at MURR. All were manufactured from raw material sources near the upper piedmont Cotzumalguapa zone or perhaps higher up toward the highlands.

Settlements

The published version contains detailed descriptions and maps of the major Late Postclassic regional centers as well as several smaller rural centers. These are not summarized here. In addition to these, approximately 50 sites with some Ixtacapa phase pottery have been identified covering virtually the entire research area of central Escuintla. The documentary sources identify a number of Pipil towns occupied in the immediate aftermath of the conquest. The unpublished Cerrato Tasaciones de Tributos provides some data on 19 Pipil towns in the Escuintla and Santa Rosa departments and it contains "the earliest intact set of tribute assessments in existence" (Fowler, 1989a). Feldman (1974) lists 21 Pipil tribute payers in the early Colonial period and Orrelana (1995) contains some data on 30 towns. Feldman (1989) has demonstrated that a wealth of documentation exists for the research area apart from the better-known Archivo General de América Central (Guatemala City) or the Archivo General de Indias (Seville) both of which still contain vast quantities of uncataloged documents. There are a host of useful records such as census, tax assessments, and land titles that should be examined to shed light on the probable existence and location of sites and perhaps residual lineages.

Discussion

Since no project has ever focused on the Postclassic period in Pacific Guatemala the research involved in the preparation of this paper raised a number of critical issues that are reflected to some degree in the printed version. These unresolved questions have resulted in the decision to conduct a regional project focused on the Postclassic period in Pacific Guatemala that is now under preparation. I close with a partial list of research questions to be addressed by the proposed project. What were the temporal parameters of the Pipil settlement system? What was the nature of the Pipil migration? Is there evidence for a mass migration or did it take place over several centuries? Was the migration principally an elite move or were all facets of Pipil population involved? Can an earlier Postclassic presence be substantiated and if so is it due to residual local populations extending from the Pantaleón phase or the early beginnings of the Pipil movements? Assuming that local populations continued to inhabit some portion of the research zone, were they absorbed and integrated within the Pipil occupied area or were they pushed out? If partially absorbed, is there evidence for barrios of previously local inhabitants? Were the Pipil migrations causal or epiphenomenal in the collapse of Late-Terminal Classic society at Cotzumalguapa and the lower coastal city-states? What was the nature of Pipil sociopolitical organization and how was it characterized in the regional settlement system? Did the Pipil sociopolitical organization mirror Nahua city-state units of social organization and if so to what degree, or were new forms of social life generated? Are the elites concentrated only within the larger regional centers or is there evidence for elite residences in the rural hinterland (B.L. Stark, personal communication) (Chase and Chase, 1992). Do the Late Postclassic Pipil of the Pacific Coast show evidence of divergent evolution and non-adaptive drift? Is social stratification increasing during the three centuries of the Ixtacapa phase? Do significant differences exist between "altepetl" in terms of size and wealth and are the differences related to environmental differences? Do the Pipil polities become more centralized or more fragmented toward the end of the Late Postclassic when hostilities with the Kachiquel (and K’iche) are documented and the Pipil area was reportedly reduced? Is there archaeological evidence of warfare with these groups as well as the Xinca? How were the Pipil societies economically integrated? What evidence exists for economic specialization, its organization and control by elites, and participation in pan-Mesoamerican networks in such commodities as cacao and salt? To what degree did the Pipil region participate in the enormous Postclassic trade and tribute payment of cotton? Was the production and processing of cotton fiber largely controlled by elites at either major centers or specialized rural settlements? What is the nature of obsidian procurement, exchange, and tool production? Do elites control the procurement and production phase? Is there evidence of a mixed strategy with households able to independently procure raw or partially finished materials? How are these processes affected by concepts of modularity?

Sources Cited

Frederick J. Bove
fbove@ufm.edu.gt

Abstracts: 1  |  2  |  3  |  4

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