Survey of Talking Cross Shrines in Yucatán and Quintana Roo

Mayan Communicating Devices

Scholars specializing in colonial period Mesoamerica have noted that the 16th century Spanish brought to the New World the belief in Virgin apparitions (Burkhart 1989). However, the focus of my survey was not the apparitions of Catholic Saints or of the Holy Mother, such as the Virgen de Guadalupe, but of communicating, oracular type, natural objects. Fray Diego de Landa (1941:109, 154) stated in his "relación" that the Maya belief in "speaking idols" was pre-Columbian. Indeed, the proliferation and context of ancient axis mundi representation, including what to westerners may appear as Latin crosses (Figure 10), is interpreted as indicating that ancient Maya priests used the various quadripartite axis’ as devices for communication with the supernatural realm (Freidel, Schele, and Parker 1993). Apparently, not much has changed in this regard: one of my consultants in Quintana Roo has a private "chan iglesia," a small "church," which is sometimes referred to as an oratorio. In this small thatch hut she keeps three clothed green crosses (Figure 11). The woman states that these "crosses" called out to her husband while he was working on his "kool" (cornfield), and thereafter the man took the crosses home and built them the oratory. The woman and her sons claim that the objects continued to communicate with her husband through dreams. Since his passing away the crosses now communicate with his widow.

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Not surprisingly, "crosses" made from tree branches are not rare, my survey revealed that many Santa Cruz Maya shelter, and care for, these type of objects (Figure 12). Indeed, as my survey progressed, this summer, it became increasingly clear that other Maya families, which I have not gained access to, have similar private oratorios with similar crosses. I therefore suggest that the actual number of Maya villages with shrines that shelter and are dedicated to communicating crosses is presently unknown and more widespread than previously thought. What may appear chaotic, though it has been alluded that the crosses are hierarchically arranged (Dumond 1985:295), is I argue, indicative of vestigial pre-Columbian function and meaning. My shaman consultants state that the proclamations come from the "divine" voice of "hahal ku," the true Maya god of the Macehual. Interestingly, this Maya God, which communicates through the different crosses, is sometimes literally stated as being Itzamná. Also, the fact that many of these crosses are stationed in what have been ancient and colonial era religious centers is no coincidence--these sites were/are part of Maya sacred geography.

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My survey data also indicates, that although each cross has a virtual identical function and meaning, each major communicating cross shrine has a particular importance amongst the Maya. Also of importance to each shrine is that the structures themselves are considered to be alive and may be painted green to designate them as such (Figure 13). Of particular importance to my survey was the shrine of "Chuumuk Lu’um"--Center Over the Earth. Within this shrine is a stela-like stone communicating cross said to be ancient by the local Maya (Figure 14). Also of great importance regarding the symbolism of this stone cross is that my consultants regard it as the earthly manifestation of Itzamná and Chaak. They also conceive of the stone slab as being alive and growing from the earth as a plant does; indeed, it is literally regarded as a living holy plant/tree placed at the center of the earth by the Itzá before the Spanish came to their ancestors’ land. Also of interest in relation to this cross is that it has surrogate crosses in the Catholic church, in the adjacent village, who lend it vision through mirrors placed around the necks of said surrogate crosses which are said to be the stone cross’ secretaries (Figure 15).

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Of related interest to this large stone cross is another stone cross in a nearby village. This other cross is in miniature, about five inches in height, and is said to have come from an "aktun", a cave, and appears to be part of a speliothem that took this odd shape. This miniature cross is considered sacred because it is the mouthpiece to the Chaak’ob and as such is utilized in rain making ceremonies. My data clearly indicates that green crosses are not only related to maize but to the Chaak’ob who bring the fields to life with their precious rain. Indeed, placed in front of some of these green crosses are conch shells with which the crosses trumpet a call to the Chaak’ob to summon them forth from the aktuns in order to bring rain (Figure 16). After conducting my survey I have no doubt that Green Maya crosses are clearly related to fertility and are rain making sacred objects--the sometimes present Catholic symbols on the crosses not withstanding. Indeed, my data indicates that the most important symbolism associated with these crosses are ancestors/deities, and corn and trees.

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